Municipal socialism has the great advantage over other sorts of state extension of being optional by small units， and of permitting all sorts of diversity， experiment and (408) comparison. There is nothing in it of that deadening uniformity and obliteration of alternatives involved in the blanket socialism of the central state. The evils we suffer from private monopolies梐gainst which we may always invoke the state if not other competitors梐re as nothing compared with those to be feared from an all-embracing state-monopoly；and I feel sure that common-sense， a shrewd attachment to the principle of "checks and balances，" and the spirit of local individuality will preserve the English-speaking nations， at least， from serious danger of the latter.
In countries like France， where there is a great traditional preponderance of the central authority， it may be among the possibilities， though the probable decline of war梩he main cause of mechanical consolidation梥hould work in the opposite direction.
There are few things that would be more salutary to the life of our people than a lively and effective civic consciousness in towns， villages and rural communities. I trust this is growing and feel no dread of any socialism which it may prove to involve. One of the best things I have known Ann Arbor to do was to hold a public-school carnival on the occasion of the opening of a new high school. There were all sorts of performances by the children， largely of their own devising， and the people were interested and brought together as never， perhaps， before. It was communal， it was ours， and the social spirit it evoked was a common joy. Enterprises of the same nature on a larger and more permanent scale， such as the recreation centres of Chicago， are beginning to arise in various parts of the country.
It seems probable that the plain citizen must look largely (409) to the communal life to supply that chance for self-expression which town residence and the specialized nature of modern industry have so largely restricted. Urban life is inevitable， and instead of regretting the country the city-dwellers had better make the most of the new situati on， through playgrounds， public amusements， socialized schools， recreation centres， and， in general， a more vital and human civic organization. [3]
The fundamental need of men is for self-expression， for making their will felt in whatever they feel to be close to their hearts； and they will use the state in so far and in such a manner as they find it helpful in gratifying this need.
The more self-expression， therefore， there is in other spheres of life， the less need， relatively， people will feel of acting through government梐 principle which should remind those who dread the growth of the latter that the only sure way to restrict it is by developing a real， affirmative freedom in other relations. Political democracy plus social and economic oppression is pretty sure to equal state socialism， because men will look to political control as a refuge. But if general conditions are free and open， men will be the more sensible， by contrast， of the unfree aspects of state activity.
A lack of economy in government will not much check its aggrandizement if the need of it is strongly felt on other grounds， since human nature， on the whole， cares very little for economy in comparison with freedom and justice. One will more willingly pay a water-tax of twenty (410) dollars to a city government in which he has a voice than of ten to an alien and overbearing corporation.
In our day there is a tendency toward extension of state functions which after all is perhaps no more than symmetrical in view of the general expansion of larger structures in every sphere. It does not seem to outstrip the growth， for instance， of private corporations， or labor unions， or of individual wealth. It is easy to see a tendency to state socialism if you look only at the new functions of the state； easy to see an opposite tendency if you fix your attention on private organization.
Whether or not the state is relatively increasing its sphere is not easy to decide. The new conditions of life bring men closer together， creating a general need of wider organization； and， so far as now appears， this need is to be met by the simultaneous development of various structures already well begun； such as popular government and education， private industrial and commercial corporations， labor unions， mutual-aid societies， philanthropical associations， and so on.
The special demand for state extension seems to spring chiefly from two conditions： the need to control the exorbitant power of private economic associations， and the need of meeting novel problems arising from life in great cities. In these and similar directions an intelligent and practiced democracy will proceed tentatively， "with the firm foot below，"always balancing the loss against the gain. Experiments in political socialism are sure to be tried， which will prove instructive and perhaps beneficial.
How far they will be carried no man can say， but I see no special reason to fear that they will go to any pernicious extreme.
EndnotesIf the reader is not elear as to what I mean by public will， I beg to refer. him to chapters I， XII and XXXIV. These principles are much the same as those put forth by W. S. Jevons. See his Methods of Social Reform， 355. Compare Simon N. Patten， The New Basis of Civilization， 124.
