Their function as spheres of fellowship and self-development is equally vital and less understood. To have a we-feeling to live shoulder to shoulder with one's fellows， is the only human life； we all need it to keep us from selfishness， sensuality and despair， and the hand-worker needs it even more than the rest of us. Usually without pecuniary resource and insecure of his job and his home， he is， in isolation， miserably weak and in a way to be cowed and unmanned by misfortune or mere apprehension. Drifting about in a confused society， unimportant， apparently， to the rest of the world， it is no wonder if he feels " I am no link of Thy great chain，" [3] and loses faith in himself， in life and in God. The union makes him feel that he is part of a whole， one of a fellowship， that there are those who will stand by him in trouble， that he counts for something in the great life. He gets from it that thrill of broader sentiment， the same in kind that men get in fighting for their country； his self is enlarged and enriched and his imagination fed with objects， comparatively， "immense and eternal."Moreover， the life of labor unions and other class associations， through the training which it gives in democratic organization and discipline， is perhaps the chief guaranty of the healthy political development of the hand-working class梕specially those imported from non-democratic civilizations梐nd the surest barrier against recklessness and disorder. That their members get this training will (288) be evident to anyone who studies their working， and it is not apparent that they would get it in any other way. Men learn most in acting for purposes which they understand and are interested in， and this is more certain to be the case with economic aims than with any other.
Thus， if unions should never raise wages or shorten hours， they would yet be invaluable to the manhood of their members. At worst， they ensure the joy of an open fight and of companionship in defeat. Self-assertion through voluntary organization is of the essence of democracy， and if any part of the people proves incapable of it it is a bad sign for the country.
On this ground alone it would seem that patriots should desire to see organization of this sort extend throughout the industrial population.
The danger of these associations is that which besets human nature everywhere梩he selfish use of power. It is feared with reason that if they have too much their own way they will monopolize opportunity by restricting apprenticeship and limiting the number of their members； that they will seek their ends through intimidation and violence； that they will be made the instruments of corrupt leaders. These and similar wrongs have from time to time been brought home to them， and， unless their members are superior to the common run of men， they are such as must be expected. But it would be a mistake to regard these or any other kinds of injustice as a part of the essential policy of unions. They are feeling their way in a human， fallible manner， and their eventual policy will be determined by what， in the way of class advancement， they find by experience to be practicable. In so (289) far as they attempt things that are unjust we may expect them， in the long run， to fail， through the resistance of others and through the awakening of their own consciences. It is the part of other people to check their excesses and cherish their benefits.
In general no sort of persons mean better than hand-laboring men. They are simple， honest people， as a rule， with that bent toward integrity which is fostered by working in wood and iron and often lost in the subtleties of business. Moreover， their experience is such as to develop a sense of the brotherhood of man and a desire to realize it in institutions. Not having enjoyed the artificial support of accumulated property， they have the more reason to know the dependence of each on his fellows. Nor have they any great hopes of personal aggrandizement to isolate them and pamper their self-consciousness.
To these we may add that offences from this quarter are likely to be more shocking and less dangerous than those of a more sophisticated sort of people. Occasional outbreaks of violence alarm us and call for prompt enforcement of law， but are not a serious menace to society， because general sentiment and all established interests are against them； while the subtle， respectable， systematic corruption by the rich and powerful threatens the very being of democracy.
The most deplorable fact about labor unions is that they embrace so small a proportion of those that need their benefits. How far into the shifting masses of unskilled labor effective organization can extend only time will show.
Endnotes See chapter 21. Professor John R. Commons (Publications of the American Sociological Society， vol. ii， p. 141) estimates 2，000，000 members of unions out of 6，000，000wage-earners "available for class conflict." George Herbert.
