THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ILL-PAID CLASSES THE NEED OF CLASS ORGANIZATION -- USES AND DANGERS OF UNIONS-- GENERAL DISPOSITION OF THE HAND-WORKING CLASSESIT is not the purpose of this book to add anything to the merely controversial literature of the time； and in treating the present topic I intend no more than to state a few simple and perhaps obvious principles designed to connect it with our general line of thought.
It is quite apparent that an organized and intelligent class-consciousness in the hand-working people is one of the primary needs of a democratic society. In so far as this part of the people is lacking in a knowledge of its situation and in the practice of orderly self-assertion， a real freedom will also be lacking， and we shall have some kind of subjection in its place； freedom being impossible without group organization. That industrial classes exist梚n the sense already explained [1] 梒annot well be denied， and existing they ought to be conscious and self-directing.
The most obvious need of class-consciousness is for self-assertion against the pressure of other classes， and this is both most necessary and most difficult with those who lack wealth and the command over organized forces which it implies. In a free society， especially， the Lord helps those who help themselves； and those who are weak (285) in money must be strong in union， and must also exert themselves to make good any deficiency in leadership that comes from ability deserting to more favored classes.
That the dominant power of wealth has an oppressive action for the most part involuntary， upon the people below， will hardly be denied by any competent student. The industrial progress of our time is accompanied by sufferings that are involved with the progress. These sufferings梐t least in their more tangible forms梖all almost wholly upon the poorer classes， while the richer get a larger share of the increased product which the progress brings.
By sufferings I mean not only the physical hardship and liability to disease， early decay， and mutilation or death by accident， which fall to the hand-worker；but also the debasement of children by premature and stunting labor， the comparative lack of intellectual and social opportunities， the ugly and discouraging surroundings， and the insecurity of employment， to which he and his are subject. There is no purpose to inflict these things； but they are inflicted， and the only remedy is a public consciousness， especially in the classes who suffer from them， of their causes and the means by which they can be done away with.
The principal expressions of class-consciousness in the hand-working classes in our day are labor unions and that wider， vaguer， more philosophical or religious movement， too various for definition， which is known as socialism.
Regarding the latter I will only say at present that it includes much of what is most vital in the contemporary working of the democratic spirit；the large problems with (286) which its doctrines deal I prefer to discuss in my own way.
Labor unions are a simpler matter. They have arisen out of the urgent need of selfdefence not so much against deliberate aggression as against brutal confusion and neglect. The industrial population has been tossed about on the swirl of economic change like so much sawdust on a river， sometimes prosperous， sometimes miserable， never secure， and living largely under degrading， inhuman conditions. Against this state of things the higher class of artisans梐s measured by skill， wages and general intelligence梙ave made a partly successful struggle through cooperation in associations， which， however， include much less than half of those who might be expected to take advantage of them. [2] That they are an effective means of class self-assertion is evident from the antagonism they have aroused.
Besides their primary function of group-bargaining， which has come to be generally recognized as essential， unions are performing a variety of services hardly less important to their members， and serviceable to society at large. In the way of influencing legislation they have probably done more than all other agencies together to combat child-labor， excessive hours， and other inhuman and degrading kinds of work； also to provide for safeguards against accident， for proper sanitation of factories， and the like. In this field their work is as much defensive as aggressive， since employing interests， on the other side， (287) are constantly influencing legislation and administration to their own advantage.
