First， in his own eyes， he， like Marat， is a persecuted man， and， like Marat， he poses himself as a "martyr，" but more skillfully and keeping within bounds， affecting the resigned and tender air of an innocent victim， who， offering himself as a sacrifice， ascends to Heaven， bequeathing to mankind the imperishable souvenir of his virtues.[124]
"I arouse against me the pride of everybody；[125] I sharpen against me a thousand daggers. I am a sacrifice to every species of hatred.
. . . It is certain that my head will atone for the truths I have uttered. I have given my life， and shall welcome death almost as a boon. It is， perhaps， Heaven's will that my blood should indicate the pathway of my country to happiness and freedom. With what joy Iaccept this glorious destiny！"[126] -"It is hardly in order to live that one declares war against tyrants， and， what is still more dangerous， against miscreants. . . . The greater their eagerness to put an end to my career here below， the more eager I shall be to fill it with actions serving the welfare of my fellow-creatures."[127]
"All these offenders outrage me；[128] actions which to others may appear insignificant or completely legitimate are for me crimes. As soon as someone becomes acquainted with me he is at once calumniated.
Others are forgiven for their fortune， my zeal is considered a crime.
Deprive me of my conscience and I am the most wretched of men. I do not even enjoy the rights of a citizen. I am not even allowed to perform my duty as a representative of the people. . . . To the enemies of my country， to whom my existence seems an obstacle to their heinous plots， I am ready to sacrifice it， if their odious empire is to endure. . . . . Let their road to the scaffold be the pathway of crime， ours shall be that of virtue； let the hemlock be got ready for me， I await it on this hallowed spot. I shall at least bequeath to my country an example of constant affection for it， and to the enemies of humanity the disgrace of my death."Naturally， and always just like Marat， he sees around himself only "the perverted， the plotters， the traitors."[129] - Naturally， as with Marat， common sense with him is perverted， and， like Marat again， he thinks at random.
"I am not obliged to reflect，" said he to Garat， "I always rely on first impressions.""For him，" says the same authority， "the best reasons are suspicions，"[130] and naught makes headway against suspicions， not even the most positive evidence. On September 4， 1792， talking confidentially with Pétion， and hard pressed with the questions that he put to him， he ends by saying， "Very well， I think that Brissot is on Brunswick's side."[131] - Naturally， finally， he， like Marat， imagines the darkest fictions， but they are less improvised， less grossly absurd， more slowly worked out and more industriously interwoven in his calculating inquisitorial brain.
"Evidently，" he says to Garat， "the Girondists are conspiring."[132]
"And where？" demands Garat.
"Everywhere，" Robespierre replies， "in Paris， throughout France， over all Europe. Gensonné， at Paris， is plotting in the Faubourg St.
Antoine， going about among the shopkeepers and persuading them that we patriots mean to pillage their shops. The Gironde (department) has for a long time been plotting its separation from France so as to join England； the chiefs of its deputation are at the head of the plot， and mean to carry it out at any cost. Gensonné makes no secret of it； he tells all among them who will listen to him that they are not representatives of the nation， but plenipotentiaries of the Gironde.
Brissot is plotting in his journal， which is simply a tocsin of civil war； we know of his going to England， and why he went； we know all about his intimacy with that Lebrun， minister of foreign affairs， a Liegois and creature of the Austrian house. Brissot's best friend is Clavière， and Clavière has plotted wherever he could breathe. Rabaut， treacherous like the Protestant and philosopher that he is， was not clever enough to conceal his correspondence with that courtier and traitor Montesquiou； six months ago they were working together to open Savoy and France to the Piedmontese. Servan was made general of the Pyrenean army only to give the keys of France to the Spaniards.""Is there no doubt of this in your mind？" asks Garat.
"None， whatever."[133]
Such assurance， equal to that of Marat， is terrible and worse in its effect， for Robespierre's list of conspirators is longer than that of Marat. Political and social， in Marat's mind， the list comprehends only aristocrats and the rich； theological and moral in Robespierre's mind， it comprehends all atheists and dishonest persons， that is to say， nearly the whole of his party. In this narrow mind， given up to abstractions and habitually classifying men under two opposite headings， whoever is not with him on the good side is against him on the bad side， and， on the bad side， the common understanding between the factious of every flag and the rogues of every degree， is natural.
"All aristocrats are corrupt， and every corrupt man is an aristocrat；"for， "republican government and public morality are one and the same thing."[134]
Not only do evil-doers of both species tend through instinct and interest to league together， but their league is already perfected.
