I. The Doctrine.
Program of the Jacobin party. -- Abstract principle and spontaneous development of the theory.
Nothing is more dangerous than a general idea in narrow and empty minds： as they are empty， it finds no knowledge there to interfere with it； as they are narrow it is not long before it occupies the place entirely. Henceforth they no longer belong to themselves but are mastered by it； it works in them and through them， the man， in the true sense of the word， being possessed. Something which is not himself， a monstrous parasite， a foreign and disproportionate conception， lives within him， developing and giving birth to the evil purposes with which it is pregnant. He did not foresee that he would have them； he did not know what his dogma contained， what venomous and murderous consequences were to issue from it. They issue from it fatally， each in its turn， and under the pressure of circumstances， at first anarchical consequences and now despotic consequences. Having obtained power， the Jacobin brings his fixed idea along with him；whether at the head of the government or in opposition to it， this idea is fruitful， and the all-powerful dogma projects over a new domain the innumerable links of its endless chain.
II. A Communist State..
The Jacobin concept of Society. -- The Contrat-Social. -- Total surrender of the Individual to the Community. -- Everything belongs to the State. -- Confiscations and Sequestrations. -- Pre-emption and requisition and requisition of produce and merchandise. --Individuals belong to the State.-- Drafts of persons for Military service. -- Drafts of persons for the Civil service. -- The State philanthropist， educator， theologian， moralist， censor and director of ideas and intimate feelings.
Let us trace this inward development and go back， along with the Jacobin， to first principles， to the original pact， to the first organization of society. There is but one just and sound society， the one founded on the "contrat-social，" and"the clauses of this contract， fully understood， reduce themselves to one， the total transfer of each individual， with all his rights， to the community， . . . . each surrendering himself up absolutely， just as he actually stands， he and all his forces， of which the property he possesses forms a part."[1]
There must be no exception or reservation. Nothing of what he previously was， or had， now belongs to him in his own right；henceforth， what he is， or has， devolves upon him only through delegation. His property and his person now form a portion of the commonwealth. If he is in possession of these， his ownership is at second hand； if he derives any benefit there from， it is as a concession. He is their depository， trustee and administrator， and nothing more.[2] In other words， with respect to these he is simply a managing director， that is to say a functionary like others， with a precarious appointment and always revocable by the State which has appointed him.
"As nature gives to every man absolute power over the members of his body the social pact gives the social body absolute power over all its members."The State， as omnipotent sovereign and universal proprietor， exercises at discretion， its boundless rights over persons and things；consequently we， its representatives， take all things and persons into our hands； as they belong to it， so do they belong to us.
We have confiscated the possessions of the clergy， amounting to about four billion livres； we confiscate the property of the emigrés， amounting to three billion livres；[3] we confiscate the property of the guillotined and deported： all this amounts to some hundreds of millions； later on， the count will be made， because the list remains open and is being daily added to. We will sequestrate the property of "suspects，" which gives us the right to use it： here are many hundred millions more； after the war and the banishment of "suspects，" we shall seize the property along with its income： here， again， are billions of capital.[4] Meanwhile we take the property of hospitals and of other benevolent institutions， about eight hundred million livres ； we take the property of factories， of endowments， of educational institutions， and of literary and scientific associations：
